原标题: 乌鲁木齐市第三医院光子脱毛多少钱
Nausea1. 恶心,作呕;晕船Early pregnancy is often accompanied by nausea. 怀初期常伴有恶心。 2. 极端的憎恶She was filled with nausea at the sight of cruelty to animals. 她看到虐待动物满腔厌恶。Commencement: 学位授予典礼;毕业典礼Distinguished: 卓越的;著名的[(+for/as/by)]a distinguished playwright 著名剧作家 He is distinguished for his knowledge of economics. 他以经济学方面的精湛学识而著称于世。Reflect on: 仔细考虑I have been reflecting on the matter. 我一直在考虑这件事。07/78985President Bush Signs H.R. 493, the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act of 2008   THE PRESIDENT: I want to thank the members of Congress who've joined us as I sign the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act, a piece of legislation which prohibits health insurers and employers from discriminating on the basis of genetic information. In other words, it protects our citizens from having genetic information misused, and this bill does so without undermining the basic premise of the insurance industry.   I also want to pay homage today to -- and not only to members of the Congress who are behind me, but also to Senator Ted Kennedy, who has worked for over a decade to get this piece of legislation to a President's desk. All of us are so pleased that Senator Kennedy has gone home, and our thoughts and prayers are with him and his family.   Now it's my honor to sign the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act.   (The Act was signed.)   Thank you. (Applause.) 200806/41744Continuing a tradition at the White House, last night President Obama hosted his third Iftar dinner to celebrate Ramadan. The Iftar is the meal that breaks the day of fasting, when Muslim families and communities eat together after sunset. The President was joined in the State Dining Room by two Muslim American members of Congress, Keith Ellison and Andre Carson, members of the diplomatic corps, and Muslim American families and service members. During his remarks the President wished a blessed Ramadan to Muslim Americans and Muslims around the world.Download Video: mp4 (71MB) | mp3 (7MB) 201108/148609

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTAFTER ECONOMIC DAILY BRIEFINGCabinet Room11:57 A.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: Well, good morning. As all of you know, we have been busy on a whole host of fronts over the last several weeks, with the primary purpose of stabilizing the financial system so banks are lending again, so that the secondary markets are working again, in order to make sure that families can get basic consumer loans, auto loans, student loans; that small businesses are able to finance themselves and we can start getting this economy moving again.As I've said before, there are a number of legs in the stool in the economic recovery. Step one is making sure that we had a stimulus package that was robust enough to fill the huge gap in demand that was created by the recession. Step two was making sure that we had a effective homeowners' plan to try to keep people in their homes and to stabilize the housing market. Because of the work that's aly been done, you are starting to see glimmers of hope in the housing market that stabilization may be taking place. Mortgage rates are at a very, very low level, and you're starting to see some activity in the housing market.We then took a series of steps to improve liquidity in what had been secondary markets that had been completely frozen. And we are now seeing activity in student loans and auto loans. We announced last week a small-business initiative that ensures that we have more activity and you start seeing small businesses being able to get credit again in order to sell products and services and make payroll.And this morning, Secretary Geithner announced the latest element in this multi-pronged approach, and that is a mechanism that he, in close consultation with the Federal Reserve and the FDIC, has initiated in order to allow banks to take some of their bad assets off their books, sell them into a market, but do so in a way that doesn't just obligate taxpayers to buy at whatever price they're willing to sell these assets; instead, involves a public-private partnership that allows market participants who have every interest in making a profit to accurately price these assets so that the taxpayers share in the upside as well as the downside.And we believe that this is one more element that is going to be absolutely critical in getting credit flowing again. It's not going to happen overnight. There's still great fragility in the financial systems. But we think that we are moving in the right direction. And we are very confident that, in coordination with the Federal Reserve and the FDIC, other relevant institutions, that we are going to be able to not only start unlocking these credit markets, but we're also going to be in a position to design the regulatory authorities that are necessary to prevent this kind of systemic crisis from happening again.And I'm looking forward to traveling to the G20 so that we ensure that the activities that we're doing here in the ed States are effectively matched with comparable action in other countries. And Secretary Geithner has aly traveled and met with the finance ministers of the G20 states so that we can make sure that we're all moving on the same page.So the good news is that we have one more critical element in our recovery. But we've still got a long way to go, and we've got a lot of work to do. But I'm very confident that, with the team that we've got assembled, we're going to be able to make it happen.All right. Thank you guys.Q Can you offer any assurances to taxpayers who are skeptical?THE PRESIDENT: You know, I'll have a full press conference tomorrow night, and you guys are going to be able to go at it.Thank you, guys.END 12:01 P.M. EDT03/65274

21世纪·希望之星全国英语演讲比赛 第一名 美国经典英文演讲100篇总统演讲布莱尔首相演讲美国总统布什演讲快报 200808/46040President Bush Meets with Prime Ministers of the Bahamas, Barbados and Belize   PRESIDENT BUSH: Secretary Rice and I have had the pleasure of welcoming three of our neighbors -- neighborhood's strong leaders: the Prime Ministers of the Bahamas, Barbados and Belize.   And we had a discussion like you would expect neighbors to have -- how do we work together for our mutual benefit. We talked about trade and tourism. We talked about how to make sure that our security needs are met without interrupting the ability for our people to travel as freely as possible and for the ability of people to be able to make a good living as a result of tourism.   We talked about the region. I assured the leaders that the neighborhood is important to the ed States of America. We oftentimes talk about dealing with the Middle East or dealing on the continent of Africa. But it was important for these leaders to know that we believe that a good, strong, healthy, vibrant neighborhood is in the interests of the ed States. And so we had a good, friendly, important discussion, and I can't thank the leaders enough for coming. I appreciate very much you being here -- two of whom have just recently won elections -- good, fair, clean elections.   And I reminded them that there's no stronger advocate for democracy than my administration and I admire the fact that you agreed to run, had the courage of your convictions and took your message to the people. And then, of course, there's the old senior man here who's been around quite a while. (Laughter.) You've seen a lot come and go and, so, Mr. Prime Minister, why don't you say a few remarks, if you don't mind.   PRIME MINISTER INGRAHAM: Thank you, Mr. President. We've had a wonderful session this morning. We're very pleased and grateful that the U.S. President invited us to come. We have discussed with him a number of issues of relevance and concern to ourselves, including a desire on our part to have the Caribbean Basin Initiative Act extended -- expires in September of this year. And we talked about tourism, the impact that the current increase in the price of oil is having on travel. We talked about security and democracy.   And my two colleagues, who are recent Prime Ministers, David Thompson of Barbados and Dean Barrow of Belize, were able to engage in a full, frank discussion. And as for myself, this is my fourth time to have been so fortunate to have been to this place. Thank you, Mr. President.   PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, sir. Thank you all very much. 200806/41150REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTIN NOMINATING JUDGE SONIA SOTOMAYOR TO THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT10:13 A.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Well, I'm excited, too. (Laughter.) Of the many responsibilities granted to a President by our Constitution, few are more serious or more consequential than selecting a Supreme Court justice. The members of our highest court are granted life tenure, often serving long after the Presidents who appointed them. And they are charged with the vital task of applying principles put to paper more than 20 [sic] centuries ago to some of the most difficult questions of our time.So I don't take this decision lightly. I've made it only after deep reflection and careful deliberation. While there are many qualities that I admire in judges across the spectrum of judicial philosophy, and that I seek in my own nominee, there are few that stand out that I just want to mention.First and foremost is a rigorous intellect -- a mastery of the law, an ability to hone in on the key issues and provide clear answers to complex legal questions. Second is a recognition of the limits of the judicial role, an understanding that a judge's job is to interpret, not make, law; to approach decisions without any particular ideology or agenda, but rather a commitment to impartial justice; a respect for precedent and a determination to faithfully apply the law to the facts at hand.These two qualities are essential, I believe, for anyone who would sit on our nation's highest court. And yet, these qualities alone are insufficient. We need something more. For as Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes once said, "The life of the law has not been logic; it has been experience." Experience being tested by obstacles and barriers, by hardship and misfortune; experience insisting, persisting, and ultimately overcoming those barriers. It is experience that can give a person a common touch and a sense of compassion; an understanding of how the world works and how ordinary people live. And that is why it is a necessary ingredient in the kind of justice we need on the Supreme Court.The process of reviewing and selecting a successor to Justice Souter has been rigorous and comprehensive, not least because of the standard that Justice Souter himself has set with his formidable intellect and fair-mindedness and decency. I've sought the advice of members of Congress on both sides of the aisle, including every member of the Senate Judiciary Committee. My team has reached out to constitutional scholars, advocacy organizations, and bar associations representing an array of interests and opinions. And I want to thank members of my staff and administration who've worked so hard and given so much of their time as part of this effort. After completing this exhaustive process, I have decided to nominate an inspiring woman who I believe will make a great justice: Judge Sonia Sotomayor of the great state of New York. (Applause.)Over a distinguished career that spans three decades, Judge Sotomayor has worked at almost every level of our judicial system, providing her with a depth of experience and a bth of perspective that will be invaluable as a Supreme Court justice. It's a measure of her qualities and her qualifications that Judge Sotomayor was nominated to the U.S. District Court by a Republican President, George H.W. Bush, and promoted to the Federal Court of Appeals by a Democrat, Bill Clinton. Walking in the door she would bring more experience on the bench, and more varied experience on the bench, than anyone currently serving on the ed States Supreme Court had when they were appointed. Judge Sotomayor is a distinguished graduate of two of America's leading universities. She's been a big-city prosecutor and a corporate litigator. She spent six years as a trial judge on the U.S. District Court, and would replace Justice Souter as the only justice with experience as a trial judge, a perspective that would enrich the judgments of the Court.For the past 11 years she has been a judge on the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit of New York, one of the most demanding circuits in the country. There she has handed down decisions on a range of constitutional and legal questions that are notable for their careful reasoning, earning the respect of colleagues on the bench, the admiration of many lawyers who argue cases in her court, and the adoration of her clerks who look to her as a mentor.During her tenure on the District Court, she presided over roughly 450 cases. One case in particular involved a matter of enormous concern to many Americans, including me: the baseball strike of 1994-1995. (Laughter.) In a decision that reportedly took her just 15 minutes to announce, a swiftness much appreciated by baseball fans everywhere -- (laughter) -- she issued an injunction that helped end the strike. Some say that Judge Sotomayor saved baseball. (Applause.)Judge Sotomayor came to the District Court from a law firm where she was a partner focused on complex commercial litigation, gaining insight into the workings of a global economy. Before that she was a prosecutor in the Manhattan DA's office, serving under the legendary Robert Morgenthau, an early mentor of Sonia's who still sings her praises today. There, Sonia learned what crime can do to a family and a community, and what it takes to fight it. It's a career that has given her not only a sweeping overview of the American judicial system, but a practical understanding of how the law works in the everyday lives of the American people.But as impressive and meaningful as Judge Sotomayor's sterling credentials in the law is her own extraordinary journey. Born in the South Bronx, she was raised in a housing project not far from Yankee Stadium, making her a lifelong Yankee's fan. I hope this will not disqualify her -- (laughter) -- in the eyes of the New Englanders in the Senate. (Laughter.) Sonia's parents came to New York from Puerto Rico during the second world war, her mother as part of the Women's Army Corps. And, in fact, her mother is here today and I'd like us all to acknowledge Sonia's mom. (Applause.) Sonia's mom has been a little choked up. (Laughter.) But she, Sonia's mother, began a family tradition of giving back to this country. Sonia's father was a factory worker with a 3rd-grade education who didn't speak English. But like Sonia's mother, he had a willingness to work hard, a strong sense of family, and a belief in the American Dream.When Sonia was nine, her father passed away. And her mother worked six days a week as a nurse to provide for Sonia and her brother -- who is also here today, is a doctor and a terrific success in his own right. But Sonia's mom bought the only set of encyclopedias in the neighborhood, sent her children to a Catholic school called Cardinal Spellman out of the belief that with a good education here in America all things are possible. With the support of family, friends, and teachers, Sonia earned scholarships to Princeton, where she graduated at the top of her class, and Yale Law School, where she was an editor of the Yale Law Journal, stepping onto the path that led her here today. 05/71618

Good afternoon ,ladies and gentlemen:女士们,先生们,下午好:Bidding for the Olympic is ,in a way ,an image-creating undertaking .The first and foremost thing is to let people fall in love with the city at first sight, attracting them by its unique image.申办奥运会在某种程度上是一个创造形象的重任.首先和最重要的事情就是让人们对这个城市一见钟情,用自己独特的形象吸引他们.What image does Beijing intend to create for itself once it has the opportunity to host the 2008 Olympics?一旦北京成为二零零八年奥运会的主办国,她会为自己塑造一个什么样的形象呢?It is known to all that the Beijing Municipal Government has aly set the theme for the future games:New Beijing ,Great Olympics .众所周知,北京市政府已经为这届未来的运动会设立了主题.For me ,the 2008 Olympics will be a great green Olympics illuminated with two more special colors ,yellow and red.对我来说,二零零八年奥运会将会是一届伟大的绿色奥林匹克运动会,与之相交辉映更有另外两种特别的颜色:黄色和红色.First ,yellow is a meaningful color.The yellow River is Chinas Mother River and the cradle of Chinese civilization .首先,黄色是一种意味深长的颜色,黄河是中国的母亲河,是中国文化的发源地.We are of the yellow race and descendants of the Yellow Emperor.This color has a special origin and great significance for the Chinese people.我们是黄种人,是炎黄子孙.这种颜色对中国人民来说有着特殊的根源和重要性.Beijing is teh captial of New China and previously the capital for nine dynasties in Chinese history.北京是新中国的首都,也是先前中国历史上九个王朝的建都之地.So ,yellow naturally add splendor to the 2008 Games.所以,黄色自然会为二零零八年的奥林匹克运动会增添光.Secondly, the 2008 Olympics will be a red pageant.其次,二零零八年的奥林匹克运动会将是一次红色的盛会.Red is another traditionally cherished color for the whole country.We adore red.红色是中国人民珍爱的另一种颜色.我们喜欢红色.On big occasions,we like to decorate our homes in red.在一些大节日里,我们喜爱用红色来装饰我们的家.It is the the color of double happiness, representing joyous moments, auspiciousness, enthusiasm and prosperity .红色是双喜临门的颜色,象征着快乐的时刻,吉祥,热情和繁荣.Red is one of the most suitable colors to descibe the futhre of Beijing .Beijing,together with the whole country,is becoming more and more prosperous in the process of modernizstion .Should the 2008 Olympics be held in Beijing, the whole city will be a sea of red:the red torch ,red flags, red flowers, and the radiant faces of millions of joyful people .红色是一种用来描述未来北京的最适合的颜色之一.北京和祖国一起在四个现代化的进程中变得越来越繁荣富强.如果二零零八年的奥林匹克运动会在北京举行,那整个城市将会成为一个红色的海洋,红火炬,红旗,红花,还有亿万欢乐人民洋溢着红光的脸.Above all ,the 2008 Olmpics will be a green Olympics.最重要的是,二零零八年的奥林匹克运动会将是一届绿色的运动会.Adding a green ingredient is essential in creating an appealing image, as we cant deny the fact the Beijing ,at the moment ,is not as green a city as what we like it to be.在塑造一个吸引人的形象的同时加入绿色的成分是十分必要的,因为我们不能否认北京目前并不是一个让我们满意的绿色城市的事实.Striving for an environmentally appealing city has become a central task for all the citizens of Beijing.努力成为一个环境喜人的城市已经成为北京市民的中心任务.Big efforts have been made in pollution control.replanting and beautification of the city.这个城市在污染控制,植树种花和美化方面都做了几番努力.According to a project entitled The Green Olympic Action Plan , between 1998 and 2007 ,Beijing ,we have invested 100 billion RMB in preserving and protecting the environment.根据一个题为;绿色奥林匹克运动会行动计划;的方案,在一九九八和二零零七年之间,北京会在保存和保护环境方面投入一千亿元人民币.Some 12.5 million trees and over 1 million acres of grass will be planted along the Fourth Ring Road.沿着四环路将会种上一千二百五十一百万亩草.By then ,the citys green area will make up 40% of its total.The city will also dredge its reservoirs and as a water supply to Beijing residents, controlling industrial pollution and moving out the 200 factories presently located within the city proper.到那时候,这个城市的绿化面积将占面积的40%.这个城市还将建立给北京居民供水的水库,控制工业污染和把两目前在规划区域范围内的工厂搬走.Certainly ,all of this is no easy task.But I am sure that all of us have confidence that we will realize these ;green; goals.当然,这可不是一个简单的任务.但我坚信我们有信心实现这些绿色目标,For now we have the full support and participation of the environmentally conscious citizens .因为我们有具备环保意识的市民的全力持和参与.Each citizen is showing great concern for every one of the steps the city government takes.每个市民都热切关注市政府采取的每一个措施.As the saying goes, ;ed ,we stand ,;and a green Beijing will be achieved.俗话说得好,;团结力量大;,绿色的北京一定能实现.When our aspiraton becomes a reality ,it will be a unique Olympics .;New Beijing ,Great Olympics;will be weaved of these three superb colors:yellow , red and green.当我们的期望变成现实,那将是一届独特的奥林匹克运动会.;新北京,新奥运;将会由这三种华丽的颜色:黄色,红色和绿色编织而成.Let us welcome it and look forward to it !Thank you !让我们期望和欢迎它的到来!谢谢!Rick:Thank you contestant number twenty-four.Well lets find out which qualities you look for in boyfriend .里克:谢谢二十四号参赛选手.让我们探讨你找男朋友所需要的品质.QiYue:Uh, well all the audiences laughed because I think ,this,this is a really unexpected question .戚悦:所有的听众都笑了,因为我想这的确是一种意想不到的问题,Not only to me and also to them .So ,uh ,well ,what qualities do I look for in a boyfriend.不仅对我也对他们来说.那么,我找男朋友需要他有什么样的品质?I think different people may come up with different answers because we have got different outlook towards life and the world,and um ,according to some of my male friends they, ever complain to me that they were not so satisfied with their girlfriends.我认为不同的人会有不同的,因为每个人的生活观和世界观都不相同.据我的一些男性朋友向我抱怨,他们对自己的女朋友都不是那么满意.Im sorry to say so but according to them their girl friends were just ,just seem to overdemanding.我很抱歉这样说,但据他们所说,他们的女朋友都似乎要求太多.Um ,because they were just trying to find someone who is able to cook delicious food, or who is , who can do all the housework,including washings and also cleaning of the house.因为她们企图要找一个会煮好菜,或者是一个能做所有家务活,包括洗衣,搞卫生等等的人.And also especially good when they can do massages to them because the girls might get tired after a whole days work.而且最好他们会为她们做一些,因为干一天活下来,女孩子们会累.Well Im sorry to say , we I feel sorry to these girls um ,because to me I think they are just trying to find first a good cook ,then a good servant ,and third ,someone who is good at doing massaging.我很抱歉地说,我对这些女孩子感到遗憾,因为我认为她们要找的首先是一个好厨师,然后是一个好仆人,再就是一个擅长的人.Well this sounds really perfect but I have to say that Im not this kind of girls.这听起来真的很完美,但我必须说我不是这种女孩子.Uh, and what I look for ,and well actually I think this is a personal question but I do not really mind sharing my own requirements of boy friends together with you and what my requirements could be, mainly two things.我要找的是,实际上我认为这是一个私人的问题.但我不介意和大家一起分享我个人对男朋友的要求,我的要求主要有两个方面.And first one that I hope my boyfriend could be well educated ,lets say smart.And second I hope that he can be my bosom friend..第一,我希望的男朋友受过良好的教育,就是说他是聪明人.第二,我希望他能成为我的知己朋友,He can be my soulmate. I dont think I need to explain more about the first point because I think everyone trying to find someone who is smart ,who is well deucation ,because they can always bring passion to your life.他能成为我灵魂上的朋友.我认为我没有必要再去解释第一点,因为我想每个人都想找一个聪明的人,受过良好教育的人,这些人总会给你的生活带来.They can always to come up with different ideas and can make you happy,and bring excitement to your life.他们总能找到不同的点子给你带来欢乐,给你的生活带来刺激.And for me I m just the same .And talking about the second point .I hope that I can find someone who can be also my soulmate.对我来说,我也会一样.谈及第二点,我希望我能找到一个可以成为灵魂上的伴侣的人.That I hope that we two can understand each other.I think this is very important in the relationship of these two people .我希望我们俩能互相了解,我认为这一点两个人的关系上是非常重要的.I mean that uh ,I have come across, not not my myself but my friends has come across this kind of situations.我的意思是,我碰到过,不,不是我而是我的朋友碰到这种情况,That um, these two people they have got differents towards one issue and maybe one of them will say no I can t ,I cant agree with you and I cant stay with you any longer.so lets break up .他们俩对某个问题的看法不同,可能其中一个说不,我不同意你的看法或我再也不能和你相处下去,我们分手吧.And then they broke up .And I think why they did this is that they couldnt understand each other so well.然后他们就分手了.我想他们分手的原因是他们相互之间不是很了解.And for me I just want to find someone who can understand me well and also I hope I can understand him well as well yes.我只想找一个很了解我的人,同时我希望自己对他也很了解.So these are the two main points that I ,uh ,these are the two main requirements that I look for .Thank you .这就是我要说的两点,也是我要寻找男朋友的两个主要要求.谢谢.Judge:Contestan number 24 thank you very much indeed for both you speeches.评委:真的十分感谢二十四号选手的两个演讲.I loved you image of three colors,uh for the Beijing Olympics and you ,you you explained to us very clearly that Beijing has aly gained a great deal as a city merely from bidding ,because of all the changes that are taking place and the improvements.我喜欢你关于三种颜色的想象,关于北京奥林匹克运动会,你很清晰地向我们解释了北京作为一个城市在申奥方面获益匪浅,那是因为发生了很多变化和有了很多的改善.And I just want you to imagine for a moment that you have been called in as an ,as an advisor to the city goverment .我想让你想象一下,如果你作为市政府的顾问召集而来,And if you were asked by them for any further suggestions as to what else uh could be done to make it even better,I wonder what you would say?同时你被他们问到是否有其它的更好的建议去使北京变得更好.我想知道你会怎么说.QiYue:Uh,thank you for your question first.I think if I ,I can be an advisor for the government which is a great honor to me ,I , I hope that I will just emphasize mainly on the environment .戚悦:首先谢谢你的问题.我认为如果我能够成为市政府的顾问,那将是我的一大荣幸.我希望我会把重点放在环境方面.Uh, as I mentioned in my presentation that I do not think that Beijing is as green a city as what we like it to be , I mean that we are trying to build a green Beijing and um ,I, I think that uh, maybe maybe!正如我在演讲中提到的,我认为北京还不是我们想她成为的那样绿色城市,我的意思是我们正努力去建设一个绿色的北京,我想,可能the things I want to do is very simple, I want more tress to be planted and also I want to see more green areas of the city and uh, these are the two things I mainly ask for .Thank you .我想做的事情很简单.我希望种植更多的树木,我还想看到这个城市有更多的绿化面积, 这就是我请求的两件事.谢谢!Judge:Thank you very much.Thank you contestant number 24.Um,Id like to focus back on your boyfriend.评委:谢谢,谢谢二十四号参赛选手.我想把话题说回你的男朋友这一方面.Ha ,ha and um Im assuming that um you will eventually find um, um someone with those qualities and that you will um be very happy.哈,我想你最终能找到一个有那些条件的人,而且你会很幸福.Um,my question has to do with when you decide to get married.Now that youre found the perfect boyfriend um ,what are some of the advantages that you see uh, with regard to waiting a little bit later?我的问题与你决定结婚有关.现在你已经找到了那位完美的男朋友,他要你再迟一点才结婚,你知道这样对你有什么好处吗?Say around 30 or so uh, to get married.Thats a fairly late age to marry someone.比方说30岁左右才结婚,对女人来说这个年龄才嫁人就相当迟了.What would you see as advantages for you to wait?Females to wait?要你这样等,你会看到什么有利条件吗?要女人等?QiYue:Uh, okay,thats a very good question and also very unexpected .Um ,well as unexpected as the question I get um ,the advantages the female if they want ,if they have to wait um ,well actually I think that um, I think it ,Its a good thing.戚悦:好的,这是个很好的问题,同样也很出人意料.我得到的这个问题真是意料之外,如果女人需要有利条件,如果她们必须要等,我想那是一件好事情.I mean that for myself I do not really want to get married at the early age.我的意思是对我来说,我不想太早结婚.I , I think that maybe I will get married at the age of 28 or 30um ,and also at the pressure of my pre...my parents I guess.我想我会在父母的压力下,在28岁或30岁左右结婚.I think this is a good thing because I want to develop myself fully .我认为这是一件好事情是因为我需要发展我自己.Um,after I graduated from the university I ll be about 22, lets say and if I get married too early ,and I do not really have uh ,too much space,too much space for me to develop myself.我大学毕业后大概是22岁,假如我结婚太早,我就不可能拥有自己太多的空间,没有发展自我的空间.I want to work several years and then I want to have some self achievements.我想先工作,取得一些成就.I want to achieve in my ,in my uh in my job lets say.And I want to see those uh , those achievements so I think this is a good thing and I dont really mind waiting .Thank you .我想在自己的事业上有成就.我想看到我自己的那些成就.所以我想这是一件好事情,我也不是很在意等待.谢谢!Judge:Thank you .Um ,you in four first presentation ,you said a lot about what the government ,the munici...the government has done ,uh,in order to prepare for the two-o-o eight Olympic games.评委:谢谢.在你的第一个演讲中,你说了一大堆关于政府方面的东西,政府为准备二零零八年奥林匹克运动会已经做了的事情.Uh, what can ordinary people, particulary college students do to prepare for the two-o-o eight games.那么,普通人,特别是大学生能够为申办二零零八年奥运会做些什么呢?QiYue:Uh, First ,thank you for your question .Actually ,I have been thinking about this for a long time .戚悦:首先谢谢你的问题.实际上,这个问题我已经考虑了很长的一段时间,What can I do as an individual to help bid for the Olympic games?Um ,I think first is that ,um ,uh, I think that by participating in this kind of speech competition ,its a kind of help to bid for the 2008 Olympic games.我个人能为申奥做些什么?我想首先是,参加这届演讲比赛,那也是帮助申办二零零八年奥运会的一种方式.And I just want to express my wish ,and um ,I hope ,I hope that we can successfully bid for the games,and this is one thing I can do for bidding for the games, and this is one thing I can do for bidding for the games.我只是想表达我个人的愿望,我希望我们能成功地申办二零零八年的奥运会,而演讲是我能为申奥所做的一件事情.I want to do tell my ideas to the audience here and want to , I want myself be know .我想把我的想法告诉听众,I, I mean thats my ideas to be know.And secondly ,yes this is something I actually did for bidding for the Olympic games is that I planted some trees.我的意思是我想让人们知道我的想法.其次,我为申奥做的实际事情是我种了几棵树.Uh,well ,on the, on the tree planting day and my ,my family and I we went to the suburbs of Beijing and we planted serval trees there and I hope these young trees are still alive now .在植树节那天,我和我的家人到北京的郊区去,我们在那里种了一些树,我希望那些小树苗现在还活着.Thank you .谢谢.09/84689Download Video: mp4 (187MB) | mp3 (6MB)

201001/95664REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTAFTER MEETING WITH GOVERNORS GRANHOLM, DOUGLAS, DOYLE, ROUNDS AND GREGOIRETO DISCUSS HEALTH CARE THE PRESIDENT: Well, I just wanted to thank the governors that are represented here today -- Governor Rounds, Gregoire, Douglas, Granholm, and Doyle. They are representative of the bipartisan group of governors that hosted roundtables around the country on health care after some initial meetings that I had with the National Governors Association, in which every single governor -- Republican or Democrat; small state, big state -- emphasized how important it was to reform our health care system to control costs, to assure choice of doctors and plans for individuals, and to make sure that we are providing high-quality care.And all of them represent states that have done some terrific work, wonderful experiments, have seen successes. But all of these governors also expressed to me, and I think heard from their constituencies, deep concerns about what the future holds. I think there's a recognition that when you have premiums doubling three times faster than wages, when you have businesses seeing 25 or 30 percent increases in terms of their health care costs for their employees, when you look at Medicaid budgets and what that's forcing governors to do in terms of making choices about trying to still fund higher education and the other things that are going to make states competitive, there's a recognition that we have to change the status quo.And so they've reported back to me. There's no perfect unanimity across the table in terms of every single aspect of reform. I think everybody here wants to make sure that governors have flexibility, that they have input into how legislation is being shaped on the Hill. But they have done my administration and I think the American people a terrific service in bringing some of these individual stories to us. And we're committed to working with them in the weeks and months to come to make sure that when we get health reform done, it is in partnership with the states where the rubber so often hits the road.And one of the advantages they have, as Joe Biden put it, they've planted a mole inside our administration. (Laughter.) Kathleen Sebelius, very recently a governor, knows exactly what all of them are struggling with, and she and Nancy-Ann are going to be interacting with them on a regular basis as we move this agenda forward.So I want to thank them publicly. And I look forward to working with them to get this done for the American people and for the people of their respective states in the weeks to come.Thank you.Q Is there any give in your deadline, Mr. President?THE PRESIDENT: We need to get it done.Q This year?THE PRESIDENT: We need to get it done this year.06/75519General Douglas MacArthur: Farewell Address to Congress[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the ed States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited. On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines. With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff. I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: "Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh." But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid sp of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is aly engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!" I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.200606/7530

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