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2017年12月18日 22:22:19来源:好医大全

  • Have you ever fantasized about going somewhere special?你有没有幻想过去什么特别的地方?Somewhere far from crowds, off the beaten track.远离人群,远离循规蹈矩。Somewhere out of this world?世界之外的某处?Is it time to catch a rocket to the Red Planet?是抓住一枚火箭到这颗红色星球的时候了?Mars is filled with mysteries, Volcanoes 75,000 feet tall, huge canyons, 3000 miles across and 6 miles deep, all kinds of interesting features.火星充满神秘、75000英尺高的火山,巨大的峡谷,直径3000英里,6英里深及各种有趣的地貌。Awaiting you is some of the greatest scenery in our Solar System,等待你的是太阳系中一些最伟大的景观。on a world where water once ruled, then vanished into thin air.在这样的一个世界,在那里水曾经一度统治,然后消失得无影无踪。Where lost microbe empires may still survive underground.在那里曾消失的微生物帝国也许仍然生存在地下。Weve seen the postcards, and we do wish we were there.我们已经看过明信片,并且我们也希望我们在那儿。Just the thought of being in this new world to see a landscape that no otherperson had seen before,只要一想到能在这个新世界看到一种其他人没有见过的景观,I think there are a lot of astronauts that would sign up to that.我想有很多宇航员都会报名。But dont be fooled. Nothing about going to Mars will be easy.但是不要被愚弄。去火星也不会是那么容易。Danger awaits you on this the desolate beauty, and perhaps Martians too.危险在这种美丽荒凉中等待着你,也许还有火星人。If we find on Mars evidence for a second independent origin of life,如果我们发现火星上的第二个生命起源的独立据,thats hugely profound, because it tells us right away that life is common in the Universe.那意义将会是非常深远,因为它告诉我们生命是普遍存在于宇宙中。Mars. Invaded by a robot and perhaps soon by an Earthling like you.火星。被机器人入侵,或许马上就轮到你的地球。Would I like o go to Mars?我还是想去火星吗?Oh, in a heart beat. Absolutely.哦,一种心跳声表达的意思是仍然绝对想去。If there was anyway for me to go to Mars I wouldnt be screwing around with robots, I wanna go myself.如果我去,我就不会抱怨火星和周围的机器人,我想我会自己去。There has never been a better time to boldly go where no human has gone before,人类过去从来没有更好的可以大胆的前往的机会,to follow in the footsteps of our robot pioneers and visit the planets of the Solar System.跟随我们的机器人先驱者,访问太阳系的这颗行星吧。注:听力文本来源于普特201204/176908。
  • Science and Technology Human spaceflight科技 人类宇宙飞行Fifty years have elapsed since a Soviet cosmonaut, Yuri Gagarin, lit the blue touchpaper on the era of manned spaceflight.自从苏联宇航员尤里加加林点燃了载人航天时代开始的蓝色火绒线,五十年已经过去了。Progress was rapid-only eight years separated Gagarins flight from the infinitely more complicated mission that put Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin on the surface of the moon.进步是飞快的,加加林飞行仅八年后,人类完成了更复杂的行动,将宇航员尼尔·阿姆斯特朗和巴兹奥尔德林送达月球表面。Although the moon landings handed a temporary victory to America,尽管登陆月球对美国来说只是一时的胜利,the Soviet Union dominated manned spaceflight for the next decade,苏联在接下来的十年之内控制了载人航天,including some pioneering missions to the Salyut space stations to test the effects of long periods aloft and several extended missions to Salyuts successor Mir, in the late 1980s.包括在礼炮号空间站上进行一些开拓性对于长时间悬浮的测试,还包括在八十年代后期在礼炮号接任者米尔号空间站上的任务。Only with the rise of the Space Shuttle programme, beginning in 1981, and the dissolution of the Soviet Union a decade later, did America retake the crown.只有在1981年开始的空间航天飞机项目,以及十年之后的苏联解体,才让美国取得了空间技术领域的桂冠。Manned spaceflight is no longer a two-horse race.载人航天领域不再是两匹马的比赛。China entered it in 2003.中国在2003年也加入了竞争。A year later three privately financed suborbital missions were made in Mojave Aerospaces craft, SpaceShipOne.2004年,三艘私人融资任务在的在莫哈韦航天飞船“太空船一号”上进行。Rocketeering, though, has always been dangerous.尽管火箭技术一直以来都是危险的。Four missions have killed 18 astronauts between them.四次任务已经导致18名宇航员身亡。Two were Soviet (Soyuz 1 and Soyuz 11) and two American (the shuttles Challenger and Columbia).两次是苏联的火箭(联盟一号和联盟二号),两次是美国的火箭(挑战者号和哥伦比亚号)。Other astronauts have died in accidents on Earth.其余的宇航员是在地面事故中丧生的。After the losses of Challenger and Columbia,挑战者号和哥伦比亚号的事故之后,Americas shuttle fleet was grounded, which explains the big drop in missions following both accidents.美国的飞船舰队也着陆了,这就解释了两次事故之后空间任务的大量减少。 /201212/215029。
  • Books and Arts; American foreign policy;Please dont go;文艺;华府外交政策;山姆大叔请留步;A handful of books convey a mix of optimism and fear;几本书,乐观与恐惧杂陈;America is irrepressible. Even authors fixated on its decline are optimists in disguise. Times may be hard and the world order is changing, but America has what it takes to bounce back, according to five new books on foreign policy. Indeed, it has to bounce back, because no successor stands y to shoulder these responsibilities.美国的地位无法撼动。每位宣扬美国没落的作者骨子里都是乐观主义者。时代艰难,世界秩序更迭交替,但美国依然可重振威风,美国政策的这五本书娓娓道来。实际上,美国一定会恢复,因为未有后继者准备担当美国重任。In “The World America Made” Robert Kagan, a prominent neoconservative, argues that the liberal order America created after the second world war may not endure if America loses the power or will to defend it. As hegemons go, America has been exceptional. Democracy has sp under its watch, and its geographical isolation has made the world surprisingly accepting of its use of force. No combination of nations has felt the need to join together to counter Americas power, leaving it free to perform vital tasks in the common good, such as keeping open trading routes.著名的新保守主义者罗伯特·卡根(Robert Kagan)的《美国塑造的世界》一书提出,二战后美国创造的自由秩序有可能因为美国失去捍卫的力量或意愿而无以为继。随着世界霸主的消逝,美国无可匹敌。在美国的捍卫下,民主得以发展,地缘的独立令世界甘愿接受其使用武力。没有国家感觉有必要联合一致共同挑战美国的大国地位,反而任其自由担当重要任务捍卫共同利益,例如保持贸易航线通畅。To those who believe that a multipolar world could be at least as peaceful as the one dominated by America, Mr Kagan says history proves otherwise. Rules rarely outlast the powers that created them. Nations go to war when they are “in doubt about which is stronger,” he writes. The world is more stable when one nation dominates, especially when it is a nation like America.对于相信多极世界至少会像由美国主导的单极世界一样保持和平的人,卡根先生说,历史明恰恰相反。规则无法抵得上创造规则的权力有效。国家彼此间“踌躇谁最强悍”时,即会以战争一决雌雄。一国主导的世界更加稳定,尤其是由像美国这样的国家主导。It is therefore fortunate, Mr Kagan concludes, that most talk about Americas decline is overblown. The country has passed through such moods before, during the trauma of Vietnam in the 1970s, for example, and then again in the 1980s during Japans breakneck ascent as an industrial power. And yet it bounced back. Although past success does not guarantee future triumph, the American system, with its relative freedom, is uniquely capable of recovering and adapting. The danger will come only if Americans believe they can put their global responsibilities on hold while they set their own house in order.故而所幸卡根先生得出结论:多数声称美国没落的说法都是言过其实。这个国家之前已历经这样的悲观情绪,例如上世纪七十年代在越南遭受重创,之后八十年代又经历日本作为一只工业力量快速崛起。然而数次还是恢复实力。尽管以往的成功并不能保未来的胜利,美国的政治体系,以其相对的自由度,完全可以从低迷中恢复、适应。要是美国觉得,整顿国内事务之时,可暂且搁置国际责任,那么灾难将在所难逃。Zbigniew Brzezinski, Jimmy Carters national security adviser, is equally certain that a vigorous and powerful America is indispensable. But he shows more doubt in his new book, “Strategic Vision”. He contends that America must wrestle down its own debt, steady its financial system, reduce inequality, rebuild its infrastructure and fix its gridlocked politics. Abroad, it must promote and guarantee an expanded West (embracing Russia and Turkey) and balance the great powers of Asia.前总统吉米·卡特的国家安全顾问兹比格涅夫·布热津斯基同样同意,强大的美国必不可少。但他在自己的新书《战略眼光》中表露出更多的担忧。他坚称美国必须极力摆脱债务,稳定金融体系,减少社会不平等,重建基础设施并稳固僵持的政治。对外方针,其必须推进、保扩展西方势力,并平衡亚洲各大国家。Like Mr Kagan, Mr Brzezinski does not believe Americas decline is foreordained. Its economy is still relatively vast, its population wealthy and young, its businesses and universities innovative. But if decline is not inevitable, nor is resurgence. He states that America is in danger of sliding into “systemic obsolescence”, caused by political stalemate at home and misguided engagement abroad in “lonely and draining campaigns” against sometimes “self-generated” enemies, such as Iraq.与卡根先生一样,兹比格涅夫先生不相信美国的没落命中注定。其经济规模仍旧相对巨大,人口富裕,偏于年轻,企业与大学富有创新精神。但是,如果衰落并非注定发生,重振威风也不一定。他声称,美国因国内政治僵持,与对外受误导向间或“无中生有”的敌人(例如伊拉克)展开“孤立无援,劳民伤财的军事行动”,继而有滑向“体系滞后”的危险。If American leadership does collapse, what then? Like Mr Kagan, Mr Brzezinski argues that no single power is y to supplant it. He foresees instead a protracted period of chaotic realignments. China may be ambitious and proud, but it is still in the throes of modernisation; it knows that its continued rise depends for now on the present order. A nationalist and militaristic China would swiftly isolate itself as anxious neighbours allied against it.如果美国的领导层衰落,那会怎样?与卡根先生一样,兹比格涅夫先生坚称尚未有独立势力有实力替而代之,有所担当。他预测世界反而会长期处于动荡,势力重新划分的局面。中国可能野心勃勃,心存高远,但是其仍旧处于现代化的阵痛中;中国很清楚,其现今的持续发展有赖与当前稳定的秩序。一旦周边国家联合对抗,民族主义与军事主义的中国有可能迅速置于孤立状态。For now it seems the alternative to a world dominated by America is “No Ones World”, the title of Charles Kupchans book. A professor of international relations and a veteran of the Clinton White House, he is the gloomiest of these authors. For the first time in history, he says, the world will have no global guardian. Western policymakers are deluded to think that they can use their twilight of pre-eminence to lock rising powers into their own values and institutions.现在似乎美国主导世界的另外雏形就是“无主世界”,此为查尔斯·库普乾(Charles Kupchan)的新书名。库普乾为国际关系教授,曾为克林顿政府幕僚,他是这些作者中最为悲观的。他说,将不会再有世界守护者,此说可谓首开先河。西方决策者蒙蔽双眼,自认为他们可以利用自身统领世界的最后暮光限定崛起的力量于他们自己的价值观与体系内发展。It is going to be much harder than that, Mr Kupchan says. The sp of liberal ideas has been driven less by their intrinsic appeal than by the material dominance of Western countries. Democracy might still advance, but not fast enough to match the great rebalancing of power now under way. And even if the rising powers do come to share the Wests values, they will clash over status and prestige, because they feel that this is their turn for a place in the sun. The West “will have to give as much as it gets as it seeks to fashion a new international order that includes the rest”.现实情况并非这么简单,库普乾先生说。驱动自由思想传播的,不再是西方国家的内在吸引力,更多的是他们的物质主导。民主仍在改善,但是速度缓慢,不足抵挡正在发展的势力重新平衡的趋势。即使崛起中的力量确实共享西方的价值观,他们也会因攫取地位与威望而产生冲突,因为他们觉得该轮到他们占居尊位。西方“将倾其所有,寻求塑造全新的国际秩序,将其他国家纳入其中。”For example, the West will need to stop preaching that only liberal democracies are to be considered legitimate governments: “responsible governance” should be enough to put a state in good international standing. To his mind, Americas “overzealous” promotion of democracy in Bosnia, Iraq and Afghanistan did more harm than good. The West must now show greater respect for the sovereignty of other nations and treat China with “a nuanced mix of engagement and containment”.例如,西方将停止宣扬只认可自由民主为合法政府的条件:“有责任的政府”便足以使一国获得适当的国际地位。以库普乾先生看来,美国在波斯尼亚、伊拉克和阿富汗“过度”推广民主利大于弊。西方当前必须对他国政府主权表示更多的尊重,以“协作与遏制相柔和的微妙政策”与中国交往。Grand theories of foreign policy are entertaining. The actual work of it is far messier, as shown in “Bending History”, a close review of President Barack Obamas first term by three scholars at the Brookings Institution. They find that for all his inspiring speeches, the presidents performance has at best been workmanlike. In fact the lofty speeches are a problem: they have often seemed detached from actual policy, raising expectations he cannot fulfil.外交政策大理论具有性。但如《弯曲的历史》一书所示,外交政策的实际工作远非有条有理。该书由布鲁金斯学会的三名学者所撰,细致剖析了奥巴马总统的首届任期。他们发现奥巴马所有激动人心的演说中,最好的表现也是经过精心设计。实际上,慷慨陈词的演说即是问题所在:似乎演说内容经常偏离实际政策,给人以无法实现的期望。The Brookings authors conclude that much of Mr Obamas agenda remains incomplete. Killing Osama bin Laden and decimating al-Qaeda were successes, but the outcome in Afghanistan and relations with Pakistan hang in the balance. Though “resetting” relations with Russia made possible the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and paved the way for tighter sanctions on Iran, Russias mercurial politics could always throw such progress into reverse. The “pivot” to Asia in November 2011 was “appropriate”, but leaves future relations with a rising China unresolved.布鲁金斯学会的作者们得出结论,奥巴马的多数议程仍未完成。击毙奥萨马·本·拉登并摧毁基地组织算是成功,但是阿富汗的未来及与巴基斯坦的关系仍悬而未决。尽管“重调”与俄罗斯的关系有可能达成《新战略武器消减条约》,为加紧对伊朗的制裁铺平道路,但是俄罗斯的政治变换不测,随时有可能反悔,放弃这一进展。2011年明为亚洲“轴心”“适时得当”,但是与崛起中国关系的未来走向仍不明朗。The abject failure of the first term was in Palestine. As these scholars see it, Mr Obamas determination to ignore Israeli public opinion while cultivating the Arab street doomed his diplomacy. In the Arab spring he balanced “prudent” support for the tide of democracy against a realistic regard for American interests. Even so, the net result is that the pillars of Americas position in the region—its strategic alliances with Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and the virtuous triangle between Israel, Egypt and Turkey—are shaking.奥巴马首次任期的惨败就是在巴勒斯坦。几位学者注意到,奥巴马先生在培育阿拉伯街头运动之时,一意忽视以色列民意,毁掉了他的外交政策。阿拉伯之春期间,他权衡美国的现实利益,对这股民主浪潮的持“审慎有度”。即便如此,他获得的实际效果时就是美国在该地区的中心地位——美国与埃及和沙特阿拉伯之间及以色列、埃及和土耳其睦邻三角之间的战略伙伴关系——岌岌可危。If America cannot bend the Middle East to its will, what of China? In “Obama and Chinas Rise” Jeffrey Bader, one of the architects of Mr Obamas China strategy until leaving the White House in 2011, explains in a brisk insiders narrative just how tricky it can be to concoct the “nuanced mix” of engagement and containment that Mr Kupchan advocates. But in the end Mr Bader is one of the optimists. America prevailed over Germany, Japan and the Soviet Union, which had imperial ambitions. China, he asserts, does not—not yet, at any rate.如果美国无法使中东顺从自身的愿望,那中国又如何?担任奥巴马先生中国战略规划师之一,直至2011年离开华府的杰弗瑞·巴德(Jeffrey Bader)的《奥巴马与中国崛起》中,以知情者身份简短叙述,掌控库普乾先生所宣称的协作与遏制“相柔和的微妙政策”多么诡异多变。但是,巴德先生起码是个乐观主义者。德国、日本及前苏联都曾具有帝国野心,而美国个个战而胜之。他坚称,中国还没有这一野心——至少现在还没有。Maybe. But Americas clashes with these powers came when its own economy was growing. How will it fare if it is truly in decline? Ultimately, these authors agree, Americas power abroad stands on its health at home. If its economy cannot be restored, and America really is indispensable, then the whole world is in serious trouble.事实或许如此。但美国与这些强国的冲突都是在国内经济改善之时出现。若美国果真衰落,那前景又如何?这几位作者最后一致赞同,美国的国外权力取决于国内的良性发展。如果美国国内经济无法恢复,而其又真的不可或缺,那整个世界即将陷入混乱。 /201211/209139。
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