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THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. One of the most important jobs of any President is to find good men and women to lead government agencies, preside over our courts, and provide vital services to the American people. So I have nominated talented individuals for these positions. Unfortunately, the Senate is not meeting its responsibility to consider these nominees in a timely manner. More than 180 of my nominees are waiting for confirmation. Some have been waiting for more than a year. As a result, careers have been put on hold, families have been placed in limbo, and our government has been deprived of the service of these fine nominees. On Thursday I stood with many of these nominees at the White House. They are decent and talented people. The Senate needs to confirm them to address important issues, from the economy to public safety to national security. One of the most important institutions for America's economy is the Federal Reserve. The Fed decides monetary policy, and it sets key interest rates that have an impact on homeowners and businesses across our country. Yet the Senate has been delaying three of my nominations to the Fed for nearly 9 months. My nominees have valuable experience and skills, and I urge the Senate to confirm them as soon as possible. Another important institution is the Federal Aviation Administration. The FAA plays a vital role in keeping you safe when you fly. In October I nominated Bobby Sturgell to lead the FAA. Bobby has nearly 20 years of cockpit experience from his time as a Navy fighter pilot, Top Gun instructor, and commercial airline pilot. He's committed to addressing problems that have caused airline delays, and I urge senators to put politics aside and confirm him to office. In this time of war, we need a strong Department of Justice. Yet the Senate has not voted on nominations for seven senior leadership positions at the department. One of those vacancies is for Deputy Attorney General. The Deputy Attorney General helps lead efforts to detect and prevent terrorist attacks at home. I've selected an outstanding nominee for this position: Judge Mark Filip. This former prosecutor has earned a reputation for being fair-minded and dedicated. Several years ago the Senate confirmed him unanimously for a lifetime position on the Federal bench. Now I ask senators to confirm him once again so he can help keep our nation safe. As senators confirm these nominees, they must also confirm judges to the Federal bench. I have nominated highly qualified individuals who will rule by the letter of the law, not the whim of the gavel. Unfortunately, the Senate continues to delay votes for 28 of my judicial nominees. Three of my nominees for the Court of Appeals have waited nearly 600 days. These delays are irresponsible, they undermine the cause of justice, and I call on the ed States Senate to give these nominees the up or down vote they deserve. When men and women agree to serve in public office, we should treat them with respect and dignity, and that means giving them a prompt confirmation vote. When the Senate fails to give nominees a timely vote, it leaves important positions in our government vacant, and it makes it harder for Presidents of both parties to attract good men and women to serve in these vital posts. By working together, Republicans and Democrats can chart a better course. We can bring every nomination to the floor for a vote, and give the American people the kind of public servants they deserve. Thank you for listening. 200806/40922Barbara Jordan: 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address;Who, then, will speak for the common good?;[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception.It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight. There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special?I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.When -- A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight, here I am. And I feel -- I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.Now -- Now that I have this grand distinction, what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I dont choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I dont choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.Throughout -- Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us.Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief -- This is a belief that each American, regardless of background, has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us. Because -- Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party. Let everybody come!I think it no accident that most of those emigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds. We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted.This -- This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The government must remove them, seek to remove them.We -- We are a party -- We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed. We believe that.This, my friends, is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built. *Lets all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable.In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to vote Democratic.* We have made mistakes. We realize that. We admit our mistakes. In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people raised their voices, we didnt hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition.Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. Theyll recognize that.Now -- Now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work -- wants; to satisfy their private interests. But this is the great danger America faces -- that we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual; each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good?This is the question which must be answered in 1976: Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the ;New Puritans; and reject our society. We must address and master the future together. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done.There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the ed States who can veto that decision.As a first step -- As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people, so why cant we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson:Let us restore the social intercourse -- ;Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and that affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things.;A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year, we must define the ;common good; and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us.Now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves ;public servants; but Ill tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required -- More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future.If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If -- If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people, ;It is time for you to be sacrificial; -- sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance.Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. Its tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If each of us remembers, when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail, that we share a common destiny.I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way.I have that confidence.We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic. There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny.Now I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by ing a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates:;As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master.; This -- This -- ;This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy.;Thank you. /201205/182049

THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. I'm speaking to you from Beijing, where I've come to support American athletes participating in the Olympic Games. This is a moment of pride for our Olympians and the great Nation they represent, and Laura and I are honored to share it with them.In addition to attending the Olympics, my schedule includes meeting with China's President, dedicating a new U.S. embassy in Beijing, and worshiping at a local church. During my time here, I'm expressing America's deep concerns about freedom and human rights in China. This trip has reaffirmed my belief that men and women who aspire to speak their conscience and worship their God are no threat to the future of China. They are the people who will make China a great nation in the 21st century. One of the most striking parts of this trip is seeing how much China has changed. I first visited the country more than three decades ago, when my dad was America's representative in Beijing. Poverty was rampant, and the streets swarmed with bicycles. Today, China is sprinting into the modern era. Beijing is covered in skyscrapers and filled with cars. And the people of China have more connections to the world than ever before.These changes present the Chinese people, the American people, and the world with tremendous opportunities. So over the past eight years, America has sought to put our relationship with China on a more solid and principled footing. We've advanced both our nations' interests by expanding free and fair trade and encouraging the rise of a Chinese middle class -- which can be an enormous market for American exports. We have also cooperated on other shared challenges, from fighting pandemic disease to opposing North Korea's nuclear weapons programs.At the same time, America has spoken candidly and consistently about our concerns over the Chinese government's behavior. We have made it clear that trusting their people with greater freedom is necessary for China to reach its full potential. We've emphasized that being a global economic leader carries with it the duty to act responsibly on matters from energy to the environment to development in Africa.Only China can decide what course it will follow, but I'm optimistic about the prospects. Young people who grow up with freedom in one area of their lives will ultimately demand freedom in other areas. The China of the future will reflect its own culture and traditions, but it will also reflect the universal aspirations of mankind -- and there's no deeper human desire than liberty. America's relationship with China is one element of our broader strategy for the region. When I took office, I brought a clear conviction that America is a Pacific Nation, and our engagement with Asia should be stronger than ever before. We've acted on that conviction by pursuing four broad objectives: We bolstered all five of our treaty alliances in the Asia Pacific region -- Japan, Australia, the Philippines, and two countries I visited this week, South Korea and Thailand.We have strengthened our relationships with other free societies in Asia -- including India, the world's largest democracy, and Indonesia, a democratic nation that is home to more Muslims than any other nation on Earth. We have seized opportunities for prosperity by negotiating new free trade agreements, including an historic agreement with South Korea -- an agreement which our ed States Congress must pass. And we helped bring together nations throughout the Asia Pacific to fight terrorism, seek an end to tyranny in Burma, respond to natural disasters, and address other challenges to our people and our prosperity.My trips to Asia as President have brought many uplifting moments. One of the most moving came this week in Seoul, when I spoke to American troops at the Yongsan Garrison. These men and women are carrying the burdens of military life far from home. Yet in their faces you can see a quiet pride that comes from having an important job, and doing it right. These brave Americans are preserving peace, and they're sending a broader message about our approach toward Asia. Now, and always, the ed States will keep our word to our friends. We will stand confidently for liberty. And we will advance our Nation's interests and ideals by staying engaged in this pivotal part of the world.Thank you for listening.200808/46037

21世纪杯全国英语演讲比赛 第八名 美国经典英文演讲100篇总统演讲布莱尔首相演讲美国总统布什演讲快报 200808/46741

Martin Luther King, Jr.Beyond Vietnam --A Time to Break Silencedelivered 4 April 1967 at a meeting of Clergy and Laity Concerned at Riverside Church in New York CityMr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, I need not pause to say how verydelighted I am to be here tonight, and how very delighted I am to see youexpressing your concern about the issues that will be discussed tonight byhttp://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkatimetobreaksilence.htm 2008-1-8American Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 2 of 13turning out in such large numbers. I also want to say that I consider it a greathonor to share this program with Dr. Bennett, Dr. Commager, and RabbiKnow hHeschel, some of the distinguished leaders and personalities of our nation. AndLord coof course itrsquo;s always good to come back to Riverside Church. Over the lastThe Loeight years, I have had the privilege of preaching here almost every year into Chinthat period, and it is always a rich and rewarding experience to come to thisJudgmegreat church and this great pulpit. I come to this magnificent house of worshipbegun attonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in thishouse meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of theendtimeworganization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concernedabout Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are thesentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I its Iraq Caopening lines: ;A time comes when silence is betrayal.; And that time has Vigilscome for us in relation to Vietnam. Help StSenseleThe truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us amp; Makeis a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men Presenwww.Sando not easily assume the task of opposing their governments policy, especiallyin time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty againstall the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in thesurrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as Vietnamthey often do in the case of this dful conflict, we are always on the verge Collectof being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on. Pick YoMemorMilitaryAnd some of us who have aly begun to break the silence of the night haveBid Todfound that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we mustwww.aucspeak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limitedvision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is thefirst time in our nations history that a significant number of its religiousVietnamleaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism tospeciathe high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience andacceptsthe ing of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let usong ontrace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to itsUSA. Tguidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that,000seems so close around us.www.SCGOver the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my ownsilences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called forradical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons havequestioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns thisquery has often loomed large and loud: ;Why are you speaking about the war,Dr. King?; ;Why are you joining the voices of dissent?; ;Peace and civil rightsdont mix,; they say. ;Arent you hurting the cause of your people,; they ask?And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, Iam nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirershave not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, theirquestions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance totry to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path fromDexter Avenue Baptist Church --the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where Ibegan my pastorate --leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my belovednation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National LiberationFront. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlookthe ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to thetragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or theAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 3 of 13National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they mustplay in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may havejustifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the ed States, lifeand history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolvedwithout trustful give and take on both sides.Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National LiberationFront, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear thegreatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price onboth continents.Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have sevenmajor reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There isat the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war inVietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A fewyears ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if therewas a real promise of hope for the poor --both black and white --through thepoverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then camethe buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, asif it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and Iknew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies inrehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to drawmen and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, Iwas increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and toattack it as such.Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clearto me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poorat home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands tofight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of thepopulation. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by oursociety and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties inSoutheast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and EastHarlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watchingNegro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nationthat has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so wewatch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but werealize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not besilent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows outof my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years --especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate,rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails andrifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepestcompassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes mostmeaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask --and rightly so --whatabout Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasnt using massive doses ofviolence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Theirquestions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice againstthe violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearlyto the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today --my own government.For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of thehundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.For those who ask the question, ;Arent you a civil rights leader?; and therebymean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer.In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian LeadershipAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 4 of 13Conference, we chose as our motto: ;To save the soul of America.; We wereconvinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people,but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or savedfrom itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from theshackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, thatblack bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:O, yes,I say it plain,America never was America to me,And yet I swear this oath --America will be!Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for theintegrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If Americas soulbecomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must : Vietnam. It cannever be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are leddown the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America werenot enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954**[sic]; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a commission--a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for ;thebrotherhood of man.; This is a calling that takes me beyond nationalallegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with themeaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me therelationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that Isometimes marvel at those who ask me why Im speaking against the war.Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men --for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and forwhite, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that myministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he diedfor them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as afaithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I notshare with them my life?And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads fromMontgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if Isimply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men thecalling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation orcreed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe thatthe Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless andoutcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deemourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeperthan nationalism and which go beyond our nations self-defined goals andpositions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victimsof our nation and for those it calls ;enemy,; for no document from humanhands can make these humans any less our brothers.And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways tounderstand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the peopleof that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of theideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of thepeople who have been living under the curse of war for almost threeAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 5 of 13continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me thatthere will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to knowthem and hear their broken cries.They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese peopleproclaimed their own independence *in 1954* --in 1945 *rather* --after acombined French and Japanese occupation and before the communistrevolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they edthe American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom,we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in itsreconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamesepeople were not y for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadlyWestern arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China --forwhom the Vietnamese have no great love --but by clearly indigenous forcesthat included some communists. For the peasants this new government meantreal land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right ofindependence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in theirabortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we weremeeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French weredefeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, butwe did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military suppliesto continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be payingalmost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reformwould come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came theed States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily dividednation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the mostvicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasantswatched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supportedtheir extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with theNorth. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by ed Statesinfluence and then by increasing numbers of ed States troops who came tohelp quell the insurgency that Diems methods had aroused. When Diem wasoverthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictatorsseemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land andpeace.The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitmentsin support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and withoutpopular support. All the while the people our leaflets and received theregular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languishunder our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy.They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathersinto concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. Theyknow they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as wepoison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep asthe bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from Americanfirepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a millionof them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of thechildren, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets likeAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 6 of 13animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food.They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for theirmothers.What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as werefuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What dothey think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germanstested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps ofEurope? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to bebuilding? Is it among these voiceless ones?We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and thevillage. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated inthe crushing of the nations only noncommunist revolutionary political force,the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasantsof Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *Soon the only solid physicalfoundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete ofthe concentration camps we call ;fortified hamlets.; The peasants may wellwonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Couldwe blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise thequestions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those whohave been designated as our enemies.* What of the National Liberation Front,that strangely anonymous group we call ;VC; or ;communists;? What mustthey think of the ed States of America when they realize that we permittedthe repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as aresistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning theviolence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in ourintegrity when now we speak of ;aggression from the North; as if there werenothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we chargethem with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them withviolence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely wemust understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surelywe must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surelywe must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf theirgreatest acts.How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is lessthan twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanketname? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of theircontrol of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear y to allow nationalelections in which this highly organized political parallel government will nothave a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigonpress is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely rightto wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them,the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goalsand they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will beexcluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning tobuild on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of newviolence?Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when ithelps us to see the enemys point of view, to hear his questions, to know hisassessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basicweaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn andAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 7 of 13grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, andour mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandablemistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in WesternVietnamwords, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi arePick Yothe men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and theMemorFrench, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth andMilitarywere betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonialBid Todarmies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at www.auctremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlledbetween the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure atGeneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent electionswhich could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, Vietnamand they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not OperatExpertleap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.Laos amp;ProTeaAlso, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence ofStyle, BAmerican troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial militarywww.LUXbreach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind usthat they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies intothe South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.JesusHanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlierLovesNorth Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that noneDiscoveexisted when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as AmericaLove Fohas spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the www.4Steincreasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North.He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part oftraditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of ironycan save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking ofRefugeaggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more thanDarfur*eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.Help threfugeeAt this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few conflictminutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the Sudanarguments of those who are called ;enemy,; I am as deeply concerned about www.AidDour own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we aresubmitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goeson in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We ading cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a shortperiod there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are reallyinvolved. Before long they must know that their government has sent theminto a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realizethat we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hellfor the poor.Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child ofGod and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose landis being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is beingsubverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price ofsmashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as acitizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we havetaken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: Thegreat initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one ofAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 8 of 13them wrote these words, and I e:Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of theVietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. TheAmericans are forcing even their friends into becoming theirenemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate socarefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize thatin the process they are incurring deep psychological and politicaldefeat. The image of America will never again be the image ofrevolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence andmilitarism (une).If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the worldthat we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our waragainst the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no otheralternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game wehave decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that wemay not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have beenwrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have beendetrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in whichwe must be y to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone forour sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a haltto this tragic war.*I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should doimmediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves fromthis nightmarish conflict:Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action willcreate the atmosphere for negotiation.Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asiaby curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front hassubstantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in anymeaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.Five: *Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam inaccordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.Part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itselfin an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under anew regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make whatreparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide themedical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, ifnecessary. Meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have acontinuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from adisgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives ifour nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared tomatch actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protestpossible.*As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify forthem our nations role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative ofAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 9 of 13conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen bymore than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and Irecommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorableand unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to giveup their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.*These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the momentwhen our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its ownfolly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that bestsuits his convictions, but we must all protest.Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sendingus all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against thewar in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now tosay something even more disturbing.The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within theAmerican spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore thissobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing ;clergy and laymenconcerned; committees for the next generation. They will be concerned aboutGuatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia.They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will bemarching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end,unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling assons of the living God.In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him thatour nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past tenyears, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justifiedthe presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintainsocial stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary actionof American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are beingused against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beretforces have aly been active against rebels in Peru.It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy comeback to haunt us. Five years ago he said, ;Those who make peaceful revolutionimpossible will make violent revolution inevitable.; Increasingly, by choice orby accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who makepeaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and thepleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. I amconvinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we asa nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidlybegin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to aperson-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives andproperty rights, are considered more important than people, the giant tripletsof racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of beingconquered.American Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break ... Page 10 of 13A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness andjustice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we arecalled to play the Good Samaritan on lifes roadside, but that will be only aninitial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must betransformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbedas they make their journey on lifes highway. True compassion is more thanflinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edifice which producesbeggars needs restructuring.A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast ofpoverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas andsee individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia,Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for thesocial betterment of the countries, and say, ;This is not just.; It will look at ouralliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, ;This is not just.;The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others andnothing to learn from them is not just.A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war,;This way of settling differences is not just.; This business of burning humanbeings with napalm, of filling our nations homes with orphans and widows, ofinjecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, ofsending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicappedand psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, andlove. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on militarydefense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead theway in this revolution of values. There is nothing except a tragic death wish toprevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will takeprecedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding arecalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into abrotherhood.*This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense againstcommunism. War is not the answer. Communism will never be defeated by theuse of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout warand, through their misguided passions, urge the ed States to relinquish itsparticipation in the ed Nations.* These are days which demand wiserestraint and calm reasonableness. *We must not engage in a negativeanticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing thatour greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf ofjustice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions ofpoverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed ofcommunism grows and develops.*American Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break ... Page 11 of 13These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against oldsystems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world,new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefootpeople of the land are rising up as never before. The people who sat indarkness have seen a great light. We in the West must support theserevolutions.It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear ofcommunism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations thatinitiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have nowbecome the arch antirevolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that onlyMarxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgmentagainst our failure to make democracy real and follow through on therevolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapturethe revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaringeternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerfulcommitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, andthereby speed the day when ;every valley shall be exalted, and every mountainand hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and therough places plain.;A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyaltiesmust become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now developan overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best intheir individual societies.This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond onestribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing andunconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oftmisinterpreted concept, so ily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world asa weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for thesurvival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimentaland weak response. I am not speaking of that force which is just emotionalbosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen asthe supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocksthe door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the firstepistle of Saint John: ;Let us love one another, for love is God. And every onethat loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth notGod, for God is love.; ;If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his loveis perfected in us.; Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar ofretaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides ofhate. And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals thatpursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says: ;Love is theultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against thedamning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventorymust be the hope that love is going to have the last word; (une).We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We areconfronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of lifeand history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still thethief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with alost opportunity. The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood --itebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time isadamant to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbledresidues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, ;Too late.;American Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break ... Page 12 of 13There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or ourneglect. Omar Khayyam is right: ;The moving finger writes, and having writmoves on.;VietnamCollectiWe still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. Pick YouWe must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for Memorapeace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that Militaryborders on our doors. If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the Bid Todwww.auctilong, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possesspower without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.RevelatNow let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, butRevealsbeautiful, struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, andIdentityour brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too Pope. Hgreat? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the The Lasforces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send Learn Bour deepest regrets? Or will there be another message --of longing, of hope, of Prophecysolidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the www.worldcost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we mustchoose in this crucial moment of human history.Jesus CAs that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:Loves YDiscoveOnce to every man and nation comes a moment to decide,Love Fowww.4SteIn the strife of Truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side;Some great cause, Gods new Messiah offering each the bloom orblight, Military.95.95 aAnd the choice goes by forever twixt that darkness and that light.Shippingmatter hThough the cause of evil prosper, yet tis truth alone is strongsetswww.ShopThough her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrongYet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknownStandeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able totransform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform thejangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony ofbrotherhood.If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up theday, all over America and all over the world, when justice will rolldown like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. /201205/182148

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